A New Psychology

Out-of-control habits fog our awareness of their existence.

Nothing in biology makes sense except in the light of evolution.“- Theodosius Dobzhansky

The science of psychology shines brighter in the light of evolution. Fully validated biological concepts help us better explain human behavior, both normal and abnormal. Here’s the Introduction to my new book,

A Better Psychology.


THERE’S SOMETHING STRANGE about the science of psychology. A good science explains things—helps us make sense of them, and so helps us deal with them. Since psychology is the science of behavior, it should help us understand and correct our behavior when it becomes irrational or destructive. But too often this science doesn’t help at all. You’d think people would get frustrated with psychology. Mysteriously, though, the failures seem to pass by unnoticed. That lack of awareness is just one of the odd things about this odd science.

These failures have consequences. More than the other sciences, we depend upon the insights flowing from psychology to help us live satisfying lives. But it disappoints just when we need it most, when we struggle with an addiction or some other destructive, out-of-control behavior. Neither is it much help in correcting the many pathological trends in our social, political, and business systems.

Why this weakness? The problem stems from psychology’s peculiar inability to accept that it is part of biology. Because it never adopted biological principles, our current psychology can’t explain even normal habits—and it definitely can’t tell us how a normal habit can turn into a diseased, dysfunctional habit like alcoholism. Biology uses concepts that could enlighten us. But psychology ignores them.

Biology is the larger science that explains living things’ adaptation to their environments. Psychology is a branch of biology, an offshoot, a child of that mother science. It’s about a specific type of adaptation—the kind reflected in animals’ perception, cognition, and behavior. Because it is an offshoot, psychology should properly make use of biology’s concepts to explain both normal and abnormal behavior. Today’s theorists can create a stronger, more useful science by applying the foundational ideas of that more mature science to psychology—especially the concept of natural selection, biology’s guiding light. That’s what this book is about.

The light of evolution

More than a century ago, evolutionary theory transformed biology. Researchers had already uncovered many truths about living things. Then a breakthrough insight—natural selection—brought all their separate discoveries together under a single umbrella. Finally, biologists could glimpse the larger picture behind those individual details—how living things arise, and how they adapt to their environments so effectively. Hundreds of puzzle pieces quickly fell into place, one after another.

Darwin and Wallace framed natural selection as “survival of the fittest.” The animals that were best adapted to their ecological niches lived longer to pass their positive characteristics on to their offspring. Those helpful features gradually accumulated to shape their species. Natural selection explained how the remarkably intelligent designs of living things come into being.

Consider the struggle between the African wildebeest and its predator the lion. In Darwin’s eyes, the strongest, wariest, fastest wildebeest were the ones that escaped the fangs and claws of the lion. So those individuals survived to pass their helpful characteristics on to the next generation. By the same token, the fiercest, strongest, most relentless lions ate better than their peers. So they likewise passed their characteristics on to their offspring. In this way, over the generations, both prey and predator refined their ability to do what they needed to do to survive.

Biology’s mistake

The contest between the lion and the wildebeest illustrates the way natural selection works. Yet the authors of evolutionary theory unwittingly left something quite important out of the picture. In describing the struggle for survival, they had failed to consider the influence of the animals’ parasites—the smaller lifeforms that live in or on them, exploiting their resources. And this omission had consequences far more serious than they might have imagined.

As originally conceived, “survival of the fittest” seemed to imply that fierce apex predators such as lions (on the land) and sharks (in the ocean) dominate the action. But in recent years life scientists have found, in almost every ecosystem they study, that the parasites are the ones actually running the show. [1]

Parasites controlling ecosystems? How could that be? Most parasites aren’t nearly as impressive as lions or sharks. They are most often small compared to their hosts. The majority are even microscopic—bacteria, yeasts, and viruses. It’s easy to see how Darwin and Wallace could have overlooked the influence of something so diminutive and seemingly insignificant. And yet, the evidence says parasites really do have that kind of power.

What kind of power is it? There’s a term, maybe an overly dramatic term, that’s frequently used to describe it. It’s “parasitic zombification.” [2] When the lion catches the wildebeest, it’s often because a tiny internal parasite has changed the wildebeest’s behavior, making it do things it would not ordinarily do, things that aren’t good for it. For example, it influences the animal to stray carelessly from its herd. Being isolated makes it easier for the lion to chase it down and devour it.

But wait! That sounds suicidal. Where’s the logic in a parasite’s arranging for its own host to succumb to a predator? Wouldn’t the parasite die with it? And how in the world could it have such a dramatic influence?

Answers to such questions come easier when we think in terms of natural selection. To complete its life cycle that species of parasite needs to move from inside the prey to inside the predator where the parasite will sexually reproduce. [3] And over millions of generations, the parasite has evolved a means of altering the wildebeest’s behavior to make it more likely to be eaten. This helps the parasite jump from one host to another.

This so-called zombification is kind of creepy. So we might hope that it happens only rarely. But it is far from rare. In fact, zombification is part of every parasite/host relationship. Why? Because of the way natural selection works. The fittest individuals of any species are the ones that survive to pass their characteristics to the next generation. When it comes to parasites, which individuals are the fittest, most likely to survive? The ones able to influence their host’s behavior in ways that favor the parasite. It makes sense, then, that through natural selection every parasite will, to the extent achievable, develop mechanisms to exert control over both the body and the activity of its host.

There are some wonderful advantages to being a parasite. It’s easier to ride in a boat than it is to row it. So parasites arrange for their hosts to do a good bit of the rowing for them. They stow away aboard their host organisms, treating themselves to an easy trip down the river of life. Parasitism is a popular lifestyle. It is so popular, in fact, that the majority of all species are parasites, from viruses to bacteria to much more complex lifeforms. They’re literally everywhere. As science writer Carl Zimmer put it, “the study of life is, for the most part, parasitology.” [4]

To be clear, when we speak of zombified host animals we are not talking about the scary, mythical “walking dead” of motion pictures. The zombified hosts are neither mythical nor dead. They are real and very much alive. It’s just that their parasites have co-opted their behavior, changing it in ways that benefit the parasite. Whether the changes are harmful depends on what the parasite needs. Some changes actually benefit their hosts. Whether harmful or helpful, though, a parasite always changes host behavior in ways that help the parasite complete its own life cycle, whatever that may be.

Psychology’s copycat error

Overlooking parasitic zombification was a big mistake for biology. It introduced a flaw that slowed progress for decades. Only recently has that science begun its recovery from this misstep. But this book is about psychology. So why are we talking about parasites? Does parasitism have something to do with psychology?

Yes, it does. We humans are host animals too, so our parasites change our behavior and our perception as well. Opening our eyes to this reality can demystify some of our strangely destructive activities. Unfortunately, though, psychology has followed in biology’s footsteps, duplicating its error rather precisely. It has overlooked the influence of parasitic forms upon normal and abnormal behavior. And unlike biology, it has not yet realized its mistake, much less corrected it.

This book details the unforeseen consequences of psychology’s copycat blunder and outlines a way to make things right. Fixing this fundamental error will provoke a change that should have happened a long, long time ago. Applying the fix will extend the light of evolution from biology to behavioral science. The result will be a more useful psychology. This constructive change hinges on our willingness to adopt a handful of well-validated biological principles in order to clarify normal and abnormal habits. Among the useful concepts available are parasitism, immunity, and parasitic zombification.

As we apply these ideas, we’ll see that addictions and similarly destructive, out-of-control behaviors are best understood as zombification. Already we know that certain biological parasites can change human behavior. Understanding that biological parasites can influence our acts helps us grasp how biological thinking can shed light on the quirks of our own behavior.

Jumping the fence

Recognizing that parasites influence our behavior is a valuable insight. But as long as we restrict our attention to the influence of biological parasites only, we’re sitting on the fence between biology and psychology. We can amplify that insight a hundredfold by jumping completely over the fence into the domain of psychology proper. Within this realm, the zombifying parasitic forms of greatest concern are not biological organisms at all. Rather, they are abnormally persistent patterns in an animal’s behavior, patterns of activity that maintain themselves at the animal’s expense—“behavioral parasites.”

A behavioral parasite is a habit that has escaped its normal controls to become self-reproducing. If this idea sounds strange, it is only because of psychology’s error, the decision to ignore the influence of parasitic forms. That omission makes the idea of diseased behavior sound strange at first. But in truth, it isn’t any stranger than the idea of diseased bodies. When we more accurately understand learning, we see that the learning process itself regularly and unavoidably engenders parasitic habits.

The normal assembly of habits occasionally produces self-repeating, malignant habits. This is an inescapable side effect of the learning process itself. It routinely creates unproductive behaviors that can spin out of control unless unceasingly suppressed. Addictions and other stereotypical, destructive, persistent behaviors arise when suppression fails. Once we apply the principle of natural selection to psychological phenomena, it’s impossible to avoid this conclusion.

Natural selection

If we want to know why natural selection is so important for psychology, we must understand what it is, and what it is not. It is certainly not something invented by Darwin and Wallace. Those thinkers were simply the first to write clearly about what was going on.

Natural selection is a process that has been guiding the development of life for billions of years. What those able thinkers invented was a way to understand that process. They discovered how living things adapt to their environments. Then they wrote about their discovery clearly enough that the world understood. That brilliant articulation opened our eyes to a cycle that has been shaping living things since the dawn of time.

Natural selection is the mechanism behind evolutionary change. The way it works isn’t all that hard to understand, but people seem to get confused anyway. Perhaps we can sidestep some confusion by introducing it with a parable, one I call “The Sculptor’s Secret.”

Once there was a sculptor who became famous for his magnificent marble horses. His works were so very lifelike—stallions and mares, fully grown animals and foals, some carved as if at rest and others as if in motion. His horses evoked such feeling in the beholder that he was the envy of all the other sculptors in the land. Was it indeed artistry, they wondered, or had this savant somehow acquired a gift from the gods? One of his rivals begged him to reveal his secret. “There’s really not much to it,” the sculptor modestly replied. “I buy a big block of marble. Then I take up my tools, and I chip away everything that isn’t a horse.”

The sculptor’s secret sounds kind of stupid. It may seem odd, then, that he has voiced the most profound principle of evolution. Natural selection does in fact create “what is” by chipping away “what isn’t.”

Here’s how it works. Suppose there’s a large group of mice living in a field. There are minor differences among the mice. For example, some individuals can run faster than others. Hungry hawks fly above the field looking for a meal. Naturally, the hawks eat the mice that are easiest to catch—the slower ones.

With those sluggish mice removed from the breeding population, only the faster ones remain. These mate to begin the next generation. Their genes are mixed, and the mixing creates more variation among them. Then the entire cycle starts again. Some individuals of the new generation are faster than the others. Once again, the slower mice are more likely to get caught and eaten. Over and over, the faster ones are “naturally selected” to begin each succeeding generation.

This cycle repeats indefinitely. In this way, with the features of the slower mice “chipped away” over the generations, the population becomes faster and faster on average, harder for the hawks to catch. Chipping away “what isn’t” creates “what is.”

We know this is how natural selection shapes animal species. But it shapes lots of other things, too. Once the concept was clear enough, people started seeing see it working everywhere. They came to recognize it in all kinds of systems—many of which have nothing to do with living things. Inventive people even started dreaming up ways of using it to grow solutions to difficult problems.

For example, stock market analysts harness it to develop effective trading strategies. How? They create a bunch of strategies at random. Then they use real market data to try the strategies out, to see which of them yield the best profits. They remove the worst-performing strategies from the pool. Those that remain are the “naturally selected” winners. The analysts add some variation to these, and they become the starting point for the next generation. The market analysts repeat this cycle of variation and selection hundreds of times. Profits get better and better. The result is a viable trading strategy. The strategy seems for all the world like an intelligent design. But it isn’t. It’s the mindless product of natural selection.

In much the same way, aircraft engineers apply natural selection to develop innovative designs for planes. And programmers tap the process to evolve better voice recognition systems. Given the wide applicability of this venerable “chip away the losers” principle, it shouldn’t surprise us to learn that nature has been using it all along to guide the development of habits. As the coming chapters emphasize, it is the very backbone of individual learning.

Though introduced to explain changes in the bodies of animal species, we can put natural selection to work in hundreds of other ways. What I am calling “a better psychology” recognizes that it is at work in learning—the evolution of individual habits. As with animal species, aircraft, and trading strategies, individual habits become more and more efficient as we remove the less satisfactory variants through a repeating cycle of variation and selection. Recognizing that process in individual learning yields huge practical benefits.

Of course, the way natural selection shapes learning is not quite the same as the way it shapes biological forms. To begin with, there is a vast difference in the timescale needed for the evolution of a species and the evolution of an individual habit. Animal bodies evolve over a time spanning multiple generations. That could be hundreds, or thousands, or millions of years. Individual habits evolve within a much shorter time span—the lifetime of a single animal. That could be months, days, or even minutes.

Notwithstanding this difference, natural selection has always been the engine powering habit formation. So far, we haven’t recognized it. We can acknowledge that engine now, or we can continue to ignore it. But it is better to see it for what it is, because awareness of its role in learning helps us understand psychology’s most perplexing failures.

What have psychological theorists missed by neglecting this principle? They have failed to recognize the parasitic nature of many maladaptive behaviors. I have noted that parasitic forms and parasitic zombification are common in biology. These things appear frequently in the realm of psychology too, a realm where bad habits sometimes seem to take on a life of their own.

Mindless resistance

An instructive example of a parasitic habit is alcoholism. Let’s see how its most puzzling features—the mind-boggling denial and incredible persistence of this malignant habit—make sense in terms of parasitic zombification. These troublesome characteristics arise predictably in the progression of a drinking problem, simply because natural selection promotes the growth of resistance.

Biologists know that because of natural selection, anything we do to eliminate a disease organism automatically fosters resistance. For instance, disease-causing bacteria always develop resistance to the antibiotics used to kill them. They can’t help it. The antibiotic wipes out the susceptible variants of the disease organisms, sparing only those having some natural resistance to it. The surviving bacteria reproduce to become the next generation.

The cycle of variation and selection continues over many generations. And in this way, the bacterial strain becomes ever more resistant. Eventually, the antibiotic no longer harms the bacteria at all. “What is,” a population of resistant bacteria, has been created by gradually chipping away “what isn’t,” the less resistant bacteria. This evolution of resistance is mindless and automatic.

The same thing happens when pathogens respond to bodily immune defenses. Whenever any form of life struggles with a pathogen, natural selection progressively shapes the pathogen to become more resistant to control. Harmful bacteria and viruses inevitably become resistant to immunity’s efforts to eliminate them. Just as with the hawks and the slower mice, an animal’s immune functions decimate the susceptible varieties of the pathogen, leaving only those with some natural resistance. The cycle repeats. Over generations the pathogens change, evolving to better combat the immune defenses. Immunity itself must adapt in order to meet the challenge. The result is a never-ending arms race between host immunity and the parasitic bacteria.

Now here’s a detail we shouldn’t overlook. If a disease organism comes to live only in or on one particular species of animal, then what shapes the disease’s ever-growing resistance is its success in overcoming the immune system of that specific species. In that case, the pathogen becomes a specialized parasite of that one species, making it the preferred host. This exclusive focus means that over time the parasite will refine its form and function—sometimes to the degree that it completely stymies its host’s immunity. Then it becomes endemic. Natural selection guarantees that the parasite will continue to refine its capacity to zombify its host.

Is there any reason to assume that the automatic growth of resistance, the emergence of parasitic forms, and the consequent zombification would apply only to biological pathogens? No. It isn’t hard to see that the same principle would also foster resistance in pathological behaviors. We can predict that unless controlled, any malignant behavioral pattern would over time become progressively more resistant, eventually gaining “parasitic” features. And that brings us back to the growing resistance typical of addictions like alcoholism.

Clinicians know flowering addictions are “progressive.” Over time, they become more and more destructive, even as they become more resistant to control. The conventional wisdom concerning addiction doesn’t really account for this. But the progression makes perfect sense when we interpret it as the automatic growth of resistance. Part of clinicians’ confusion arises simply because they aren’t thinking in evolutionary terms.

A better psychology would accept that natural selection shapes behavioral disorders just as it does biological pathogens, ultimately creating parasitic forms. Then psychologists could explain why resistance inevitably arises as we struggle with addictions, yet does not come about in normal, controlled habits.

Having introduced the idea of automatic resistance, we can dive more deeply into our example—the notoriously resistant, out-of-control behavior typical of alcoholism. Most professionals who deal with alcoholism are aware of its patently disease-like features. Does it make sense to understand it as a habit turned parasitic? Yes, it does.

Here’s the argument. Nature blesses drinkers, like the rest of us, with natural, powerful means of controlling bad habits. It lies in their awareness of the consequences of their actions. The awareness-based controls work like immune defenses, eliminating pathological trends in our behavior as they appear.

A drinker doesn’t do exactly the same thing each time he drinks. There is variability in the expression of his habit. Some of those variants are more likely to come to his focal awareness than are others, so he is more likely to remove them from the growing habit.

To illustrate, a man may enter an episode of heavy drinking on a weeknight, so his hangover hampers his job performance the next day. That alarming consequence may bring a looming problem to his awareness, so he may cut heavy weekday drinking out of the pattern. But other drinking episodes might take place on a Friday or Saturday evening. Then the hangover will be less of a problem. On those days, the threat is more likely to slip by under the radar. So he may continue to indulge heavily, but only on the weekends.

In one instance, a woman might rationalize her excessive drinking by telling herself she’s had a rough week and deserves a break. In another, her binge might spark memories of family members whose alcoholism ruined their lives. Both the details of the drinker’s developing habit and the way he or she interprets it fluctuate from occasion to occasion. This is the variation part of the variation/selection process.

Now consider the selection part of this repeating cycle. Some variant forms of the habit, for example getting drunk on a weeknight, are more vulnerable to the drinker’s awareness-based controls. These relatively susceptible habit varieties are like the slow mice the hawks can easily catch. The drinker eliminates those weak variants from the growing habit.

An alcoholic’s drinking becomes a sequence of repetitions. As the episodes continue, one after another, the less resistant varieties of the habit are progressively “chipped away.” This process of selective elimination leaves just the varieties with some resistance, the ones able to slip past the drinker’s awareness, and so to bypass his controls. These resistant varieties, the “faster mice” of our metaphor, accumulate within the pattern. Once again, progressively eliminating “what isn’t”—varieties more likely to spark awareness of the problem, creates “what is”—in this case an awareness-resistant pattern of malignant behavior.

Unless halted, the drinker’s pattern of cyclical indulgence inevitably and automatically develops resistance to control. Each repetition further shapes the dysfunctional habit toward forms that sidestep the light of the alcoholic’s awareness, and so his awareness-based controls.

As the pattern progressively undermines awareness, it becomes more impervious, more firmly entrenched—and ever more deserving of the label “parasitic.” The zombified drinker gradually loses his ability to put a finger on the source of his difficulties. It becomes harder for him to entertain the idea that alcohol is causing his problems.

Looking at alcoholism through the lens of natural selection shows us that the diminished awareness and illogical thinking clinicians call “denial” is simply part of the pattern of resistance growing within the drinker’s habitual behavior. Denial is one aspect of alcoholic zombification, the predictable result of natural selection in action upon the evolution of a parasitic habit.

Although the logic here isn’t all that complicated, many find it confusing—because the natural selection explanation differs from the conventional wisdom about addictions. Our current psychology provides no way to distinguish normal habits from those which have become parasitic. The required concepts, though readily available within the mother science of biology, are curiously missing from psychology. We will address their mysterious absence in a moment.

There is a logical, easily understandable reason malignant habits develop resistance over time, while normal habits do not. That crucial difference is a topic of tremendous clinical importance. We will thoroughly explore that topic in the pages to come. Briefly stated, though, the difference between normal and malignant habits parallels the difference, on a biological level, between normal cells and cancerous cells. Normal cells are part of a team, and evolve under the body’s control, as part of that team. Cancer cells have escaped those controls and evolve in their own interest. We will see that when normal habits turn malignant, it happens in much the same way, and for much the same reason, that bodily cells become malignant.

Threatening a disease

We can voice a general principle about pathogens, one that applies as certainly to behavioral disorders as it does to biological disorders. We could phrase the principle this way. “When we threaten a disease, it invariably responds with resistance.” In applying this principle, we must remember that there’s no awareness of threat here.

Antibiotics aren’t aware, and neither are germs. The antibiotics do not, of course, threaten as a human might threaten—by shaking their fists at the bacterial pathogens and yelling that they’re going to kill them. And the bacteria don’t get scared and put up their dukes in self-defense. Neither does insight threaten an alcoholic’s drinking pattern by whispering in its ear that its days are numbered. So as used here, the word “threaten” has a special, more objective meaning that has nothing to do with awareness. It means only that natural selection invariably eliminates the more susceptible varieties of an illness, leaving the resistant versions to proliferate.

Natural selection is the engine driving adaptive change at all levels of life. As a universal principle, this applies to parasites, and to parasitic zombification. Automatically and inevitably, pathogens adapt to threats by evolving resistance. When an antibiotic threatens bacteria, they mindlessly improve their resistance to that antibiotic. When the immune system threatens pathogens, they develop resistance to host immunity. And when an insight threatens an alcoholic pattern, the pattern automatically and mindlessly develops resistance to that insight.

Ideas gone missing

The example of alcoholic denial shows that it isn’t hard to apply the concept of natural selection to behavior. Both changes in species and changes in behavior reflect animals’ adaptation to their environments. Given that they share a concern with adaptation, it would have been natural for psychology to share biology’s romance with natural selection. We might have expected psychology to use—or at least try to use—the concept to help explain the behavior and misbehavior of individuals. But that hasn’t happened.

It hasn’t happened? Some readers might disagree, saying, “Psychologists study animal learning. Their careful animal research is a meaningful connection to biology.” There’s a problem with this argument. Even while they study biological creatures, psychologists make no use of biology’s conceptual tools to explain their findings. Despite the many thousands of animal experiments performed over the years, the researchers seem blind to the fact that those tools can help them better understand the behavior they are witnessing.

A curious void

All of the sciences relate to each other—except for psychology. Over a hundred years ago, it set itself apart as an area of study that was unique and self-sufficient. But it isn’t unique. There’s an obvious connection to biology. It’s strange that psychology has neglected natural selection and other basic biological concepts for so many years, and has neglected them so profoundly. The omission is so odd, in fact, that it stretches credibility to think it could be accidental. What could explain it?

Could it be that these ideas are too complicated, or that they have no benefit? No. Using them to make sense of alcoholic denial, as we just did, demonstrates that there’s really no logical reason to omit evolutionary reasoning from behavior theory. So what’s the problem? Why is that blank spot there? The answer that best fits the facts is disturbing because it has nothing to do with science or logic. Disease put the blank spot there. Perhaps the clearest way to explain this is through an analogy, one for which we have already laid the groundwork. Psychology’s failure of insight is like the blindness of the alcoholic. Here’s what I mean.

The alcoholic’s friends and family look at his behavior from outside his disorder. They can easily see that his drinking is the source of his many troubles. But the alcoholic is looking at things from inside the malignant pattern. He has trouble perceiving what is so obvious to those on the outside. The disease of alcoholism has created within him a bizarre dysfunction of his attention. This is what psychologists call an “inattentional blindness.”

It’s not that the drinker’s eyes are defective, or that he has brain damage. Rather, his disorder is interfering with his ability to focus his attention on his drinking and its consequences. His induced perceptual disability has impoverished his view of the world. “Denial,” the uncanny failure to grasp the reality of his condition, is an evolved inattentional blindness. His expanding cluelessness is an element of his zombification, one that stands out.

The alcoholic’s inability to recognize his all-too-obvious disorder works to perpetuate it. This barrier to insight allows him to keep drinking despite the chaos booze creates in his life. If he could drop the denial, he might end the chaos. But as treatment professionals know, the disease of alcoholism creates and actively maintains this bizarre void in his insight.

An evolved inattentional blindness is likewise crippling our psychology. Mysteriously inept at wielding the most basic and most important of biology’s conceptual tools, theorists have remained oblivious to the parasitic nature of many of our most destructive behavioral infirmities. Lacking the insight those tools would bring, today’s psychology has little power to stop us from doing absurdly unproductive things over and over.

Psychology’s inability to apply biological concepts is a barrier blocking its path forward. Where did this barrier come from? Remember that pathological patterns automatically and mindlessly evolve resistance. Just as with biological pathogens and just as with alcoholism, parasitic patterns in our collective behavior have developed resistance to a fully competent psychology, one that applies biological insights sensibly and effectively. The disturbing truth is that, like the alcoholic, psychology is looking at the world from inside a disorder. Let me explain.

Disabling insight

It is ideas—concepts—that give shape and structure to our awareness. The way we perceive and think about events depends on the specific concepts available to use in interpretation. I began this introduction by stressing that the concept of natural selection restructured biologists’ awareness of life in a sweeping and positive way as it spread through the scientific community.

Few have trouble believing that new concepts can engender new insights, as did the idea of natural selection. But it takes courage to accept that things can go the other way—that existing concepts can be removed, corrupted, or discounted, disabling our capacity for insight. And yet, as the example of alcoholism shows so clearly, a malignant process in our behavior can indeed degrade our ability to assess what is happening to us. An insight that would have been easy before becomes almost impossible to achieve. When that happens, the void in our thinking leaves us unaware, clueless, in a perceptual and conceptual fog, and so powerless to interrupt the malignancy that produced it.

Natural selection can strengthen a malignant habit by creating an inattentional blindness like the denial that is so common in alcoholism. The threat of insight fosters the growth of awareness-resistant forms of the destructive habit, a development that includes both behavioral and conceptual elements.

To be sure, the progressive disease of alcoholism changes the addict’s pattern of alcohol use. But another part of the change is an alteration in his interpretation of his behavior and its consequences. In line with the principle of natural selection, his behavioral malignancy taints his view of the world, distorting it so much that in the end, he has little ability to interrupt it.

Social blindness

It’s unsettling to think that pathological patterns of behavior could actually degrade our awareness. People steeped in the conventional wisdom of our time consider this a strange idea—some would even think it “bizarre.” But given that we regularly witness such distortions happening right before our very eyes, as with addiction, the truly bizarre thing is that we somehow cling to the belief that it just isn’t possible. Though the idea is both frightening and distasteful, we can’t doubt that it happens—unless we engage in frank denial ourselves. And when it happens, we should remember that it isn’t because someone is trying to trick or mislead us. Disabling threatening ideas requires no more conscious intent than bacteria’s growing resistance to antibiotics. It’s simply natural selection in action.

This train of thought can explain the weakness in our current psychology. It invites some important questions. Could this kind of attentional blindness come about in groups of people? Could the resistance fostered by pathological patterns in a social system likewise disable insight throughout the system? Could it even deplete the pool of ideas available to our scientific psychology?

If it can happen with individuals, there’s no reason to think it couldn’t happen with groups. In this book we will evaluate evidence that parasitic patterns in our cultural milieu have fostered resistance to a more effective psychology, specifically degrading those ideas that most threaten them. It is not at all coincidental that the gravest threats to rampant societal ills are basic biological concepts—the very ones that are missing from our current psychology. I believe that, as with the alcoholic’s tainted perspective, psychology’s view of behavioral disorders has over the years been gradually and systematically emasculated.

At present, it is hard for us to see that there’s anything wrong with psychology, or to understand what might have happened to it, because the ideas that have gone missing are the very ones required to spark that insight. Natural selection has chipped away at the pool of useful ideas to leave a collection harmless to malignant patterns—patterns threatened by the insight better psychology would bring.

The plan

In this introduction, I have drawn attention to a strange deficiency in our current psychology, and I have outlined an explanation. The coming chapters fill in the picture by exploring examples of dysfunctional behavior our current psychology does not adequately explain. Among the examples I have chosen are alcoholism, the eating disorder anorexia nervosa, and the morass of corporate malfeasance we affectionately call “Big Tobacco.” A close examination should make it clear that we have the power to create a more informed psychology—one we can use to meet the individual and societal challenges of our time.

Chapter summaries

  1. Sick Habits – Clarifies why it’s worthwhile to avoid moral judgments when trying to account for destructive human behaviors.
  2. Alcoholism – Interprets alcoholism, the best known of all substance addictions, as an out-of-control, parasitic behavioral pattern – a rogue habit.
  3. Anorexia Nervosa – Recasts the eating disorder anorexia nervosa as a rogue habit.
  4. Viral Schemes – Presents a point-by-point comparison of biological viruses with virus-like behavioral patterns.
  5. Viral Origins – Addresses this surprisingly relevant question: where do viruses come from?
  6. The Drive/Habit SystemExplains the birth of rogue habits in terms of a quirk in the evolutionarily designed system governing all learning.
  7. Runaway Habits – Documents the conditions under which habits are most likely to escape their normal controls.
  8. The Great Escape – Compares rogue habits’ escape from control to cancerous cells’ escape from immunity.
  9. Viral Incubation – Discusses the refinement of parasitic habits through the process of incubation, a form of evolution by natural selection.
  10. The Transfer of Control – A theoretical interpretation of speciation as “behavioral resonance,” extending the idea to rogue habits.
  11. Behavioral Immunity – Dwells upon the striking parallel between biological immune functions and the way we normally control our habits.
  12. The Attentional Fog – Calls attention to a problematic feature of all behavioral parasites – the means by which they incapacitate our behavioral immunity.
  13. Sociocultural Viruses – Describes a kind of behavioral parasite that operates not within one individual, but within entire social systems.
  14. Resisting Behavioral Disease – Suggests practical ways of dealing with virally induced behavior.
  15. Meme versus Virus – Distinguishes the viewpoint detailed in this book from “meme theory.”
  16. The Zeitgeist – Investigates an alarming reality: the viral removal of important concepts from the cultural zeitgeist.
  17. Dumbing Down a Culture – Details an example illustrating the way a sociocultural parasite cripples awareness on a large scale.
  18. A Psychology Without Awareness – Provides an explanation for the bizarre intrusion of behaviorism into psychology over a century ago.
  19. An Age of UnreasonNow that the information age is upon us, the destructive impact of sociocultural viruses is greater than ever. *

Appendix A provides explanations of some of the important terms used in the present volume. A more extensive chapter-by-chapter summary is contained in Appendix C.

The series

This book is part of a series entitled “Puppet Dreams and Viral Schemes.” It can stand on its own as an illuminating introduction to a more adequate psychology. But as with the other volumes in this series, it can also be enjoyed as an element of the whole.

Appendix B is a synopsis of the entire series, clarifying parasitic behavioral viruses, their origins, and our natural means of dealing with them. An even more detailed outline is contained in the first book of the series, Behavioral Viruses. [5]


I sincerely hope you find A Better Psychology a worthwhile investment of your time and attention.

     – Tom Whitehead


[1] Seilacher A, Reif W, and Wenk P. The parasite connection in ecosystems and macroevolution. Naturwissenschaften 2007, 94, 155-169.

[2] The term “zombification,” arguably more colorful than it needs to be, is used by some reputable scientists to describe the ability of parasites to influence the behavior of their hosts in a way that helps the parasite move through its life cycle. See for example https://www.nationalgeographic.co.uk/animals/2018/10/meet-5-zombie-parasites-mind-control-their-hosts

[3] Heteroxenous parasites move between two or more hosts as part of their lifecycle. A fairly well-known example is toxoplasma gondii, which commonly infects humans. See [Flegr J. Influence of latent Toxoplasma infection on human personality, physiology and morphology: Pros and cons of the toxoplasma-human model in studying the manipulation hypothesis. The Journal of Experimental Biology, 2013, 216, 127-133.]

[4] Zimmer C. Parasite Rex: Inside the bizarre world of nature’s most dangerous creatures. Touchstone Books, 2000. Page xxi.

[5] Whitehead T. Behavioral Viruses: A novel way of understanding repetitive, maladaptive behavioral patterns. 2016(a), A Kindle Book. Available from Amazon.

Understanding Jung’s Archetypes

Copyright © 2019 by Tom Whitehead. All rights reserved.

Carl Gustav Jung

Mindlessly indulging my YouTube addiction this week, I was fortunate to stumble across John Freeman’s 1959 interview of Swiss psychiatrist Carl Gustav Jung. 1 Jung was over eighty years old at the time. Since Jung’s ideas on archetypes and the collective unconscious are an important part of my thinking, I enjoyed hearing him discuss them in his own words and voice.

In my opinion (and the opinion of many others) Jung was one of the greatest psychological theorists of all time. He was brilliant. Even so, when he tried to explain the “archetype” and the “collective unconscious” he had trouble conveying exactly what he meant. As he himself acknowledged, “probably none of my empirical concepts has met with so much misunderstanding as the idea of the collective unconscious.” 2 There are several possible reasons for this communication failure.

The first of these stems from Jung’s being an introvert. He was relatively isolated from the mainstream world of his fellow theorists. This distance carried both advantages and disadvantages. On the advantage side, the gulf between Jung and his peers meant that his ideas were truly his own. And this accounts for much of their originality. On the disadvantage side, genuinely original ideas are easily misunderstood precisely because they are out of the mainstream. They are unfamiliar, and so harder to accept.

A second reason stems from the atmosphere of caustic criticism that was so characteristic of the era in which he wrote. This was the time when behaviorism was in full bloom. Any discussion of intrapsychic life provoked accusations of scientific naiveté and professional ridicule. Given this atmosphere, it’s possible that Jung was motivated, perhaps unconsciously, to keep his ideas out of the reach of critics, and so protect them from misguided attack. In other words, he may have been hiding his conceptual baby from the wolves circling his cabin.

A third reason for the misunderstanding is that despite his impressive intellect, and despite his huge output as a writer, Jung wasn’t super effective at expressing his insights to others in terms they could actually understand.

Finally, as a clinician, Jung wrote mostly about the psychology of humans, rather than animals in general. But as his writings make clear, the concepts of archetypes and the collective unconscious apply not just to humans but to all animals. Each and every animal species inherits a collection of such archetypal patterns. The psychology of humans is far more complex than that of most animals. Ironically, he may have been clearer when describing animal archetypes than when describing those of humans.

For these reasons, and perhaps others, Jung’s ideas struck many as esoteric or ineffable. As a 1970s article in the New York Times put it, “his statements about the collective unconscious often seemed vague and won him the label of ‘mystical’ — a euphemism for ‘unscientific and soft-headed.’ ” 3

But Jung wasn’t unscientific. Although the rigid-thinking, behaviorally-minded psychologists of his era largely ignored his work, Jung formulated his concepts to fit careful, real-world observations. The Times article goes on to concede that Jung was “anything but soft-headed, and he saw the hypothesis of a collective unconscious as opening up a whole new territory for psychological research.” 4

Jung’s conclusions about archetypes and the collective unconscious were in no way mystical. As he repeatedly stressed, they are both evidence-based and practical. In fact, Jung felt that the archetype concept is a key that unlocks an understanding of all animal behavior, human or otherwise. I heartily agree.

Psychology: the orphan science

The sciences are all interrelated – except psychology. Physics is connected to chemistry, and chemistry is connected to biochemistry and biology. Even astronomy and geology relate to physics. So where does psychology fit in the grand scheme of science? That has never been clear. We would expect psychology to be linked to biology. And up until the turn of the last century it seemed to be headed in that direction.

Then a bizarre twist of history torpedoed that potential connection: the behaviorist movement bumped psychology into an entirely different trajectory. Behaviorists set out to make psychology a thing in itself, equal in stature to the other sciences, but with no clear connection to any of them.

A perfect example of the disconnect lies in the way behaviorists dealt with animal instincts. Instinct is the single most obvious point of contact between biology and psychology. Instincts clearly guide an animal’s perception and behavior; and it is just as clear that they are part of the animal’s biology. Animal instincts are visibly quite real. It’s obvious that different animals have different instincts, and equally obvious that their instincts shape both their behavior and their psychology. Because these truths are self-evident, the rationale for extending the instinct concept into psychology is something of a no-brainer.

And yet, for about 50 years mainstream psychology insisted that instinctual differences could be safely ignored. Instead, behaviorists focused their efforts on discovering general “laws of learning” that were independent of the instinctual biases of the animals they used in their research.

Strangely – very strangely – behaviorists further proclaimed that the path toward a “real psychology” lay in dismissing anything that was in any way psychological. The behavioral movement banned any consideration of awareness, experience, or consciousness – the very things that had, to that point, been the cornerstones of psychology.

Psychology’s crown

In the end, the behaviorist approach failed to create a “real psychology.” The movement was a bust. It failed largely because behaviorists turned a blind eye to the differences in instinct among the animals they were studying. The link between biology and psychology does lie in instinctual differences. So understanding that link was the very thing that would have guided researchers toward a “real” science. Here’s the irony: Behavioral psychology, metaphorically speaking, was feverishly searching for its missing crown everywhere but on its own head.

That long-sought crown is none other than Jung’s archetype concept. The cluster of archetypes he labeled the “collective unconscious” is the entire set of a species’ instinctual, biologically determined ways of perceiving and behaving. As Jung put it, the instincts “form very close analogies to the archetypes, so close, in fact, that there is good reason for supposing that the archetypes are the unconscious images of the instincts themselves, in other words, that they are patterns of instinctual behavior.” 5

The archetype is a biological concept extending naturally into psychology, and so it connects biology to psychology. Jung presented this key insight to the psychological community on a silver platter. But to his great frustration he found his colleagues unable to comprehend or accept it.

Is the archetype concept difficult?

The goal of this little essay is to explain archetypes clearly. The basic idea is not really hard to understand. It’s a mistake to prepare for a “difficult” concept. Think of tensing up to lift a heavy boulder, only to find the “boulder” is just a pebble. Your extra effort can shoot the pebble over your head.

An archetype is just an instinctual pattern. It is an inherited predisposition toward a specific way of perceiving, thinking, feeling, or behaving. Like any other part of an animal – a leg or a heart or a liver – it is a legacy bequeathed by all the generations that went before. Jung’s (unnecessarily mysterious) name for the entire collection of inherited forms is “the collective unconscious.”

Jung argued that if animals have instincts – and they obviously do – then these instincts must be imprinted not just in their behaviors, but in their psychology as well. So instincts and archetypes are really part of the same bundle. This is as true for human beings as it is for all other animals.

Jung wrote,

Just as the human body represents a whole museum of organs, each with a long evolutionary history behind it, so we should expect to find that the mind is organized in a similar way. It can no more be a product without history than is the body in which it exists… I am referring to the biological, prehistoric, and unconscious development of the mind in archaic man, whose psyche was still close to that of the animal. This immensely old psyche forms the basis of our mind, just as much as the structure of our body is based on the general anatomical pattern of the mammal. 6

The collective unconscious of any particular animal is simply the entire collection of the species’ archetypes. As historian Jacqueline Elliott puts it, the collective unconscious is …

… part of the unconscious mind present in all species with nervous systems, and represents how structure of the psyche organizes experience. It is distinct from the individual unconscious, which is a personal collection of experiences pertinent to that particular person. The collective unconscious contains archetypes and emotionally toned experiences derived from our ancestors which affect our behavior whenever experience simulates a biologically inherited response tendency, and is also responsible for myths, legends, and religious beliefs. 7

Jung stressed over and over that accepting the reality of the collective unconscious is “no more daring than to assume there are instincts.” It should be easy to believe that instincts are expressed not just in our behavior, but in our mental life as well. He wrote, “One admits readily that human activity is influenced to a high degree by instincts, quite apart from the rational motivations of the conscious mind.” 8

Nobody seems to be confused by instincts. We accept them at a common-sense level. Suppose I were to talk politely to a rattlesnake and pat it kindly on the head. Would anyone be shocked if it bit me anyway? Its behavior is guided by its instincts, and those instincts are common to its species. Striking in that way is part of the rattlesnake’s nature. We have to assume that the idea of a “threat” is somewhere in the snake’s inherited psychology, in its collection of inherited archetypes. It experienced me as a threat despite my kind words, and dealt with me accordingly.

When my dog barks at my neighbors, I may be irritated, but I’m not surprised. My dog’s behavior is guided by its instincts. And those instincts are common to its species. We have to assume that somewhere in the dog’s inherited psychology, in its collective unconscious, is the idea of an “intruder on its territory.” The dog perceives the neighbors as intruders, and acts accordingly. That’s not really confusing either.

We can apply the same idea to people. To illustrate, most of us perceive some of our peers as “friends,” and others as “enemies.” Humans do this, and do it in a way that’s pretty much the same from person to person. The readiness to classify others this way is part of our archetypal heritage. The ability to experience “friends” and “enemies” implies that the readiness to see others this way is built into us. These images are part of our collective unconscious.

That shouldn’t be confusing. But apparently it is. Especially mind-blowing, it seems, is Jung’s insistence that we remain completely unaware of our archetypes until they become actual thoughts, percepts, or behaviors. Though archetypes shape all our ideas, and though they are the backbone of our every mental image, they are neither ideas nor images themselves. Yeah, that’s an uncommon idea. And one that definitely adds to the confusion. Omnipresent but unconscious. Whatever could Jung be saying?

“Forms” of experience

The paragraph that follows is one of Jung’s many attempts to reveal the nature of the archetype. Each sentence is entirely accurate. Is the end result greater clarity?

The archetypes, which are pre-existent to consciousness and condition it, appear in the part they actually play in reality: as a priori structural forms of this stuff of consciousness. They do not in any sense represent things as they are in themselves, but rather the forms in which things can be perceived and conceived. Naturally, it is not merely the archetypes that govern the particular nature of perceptions. They account only for the collective component of a perception. As an attribute of instinct they partake of its dynamic nature, and consequently possess a specific energy which causes or compels definite modes of behavior or impulses; that is, they may under certain circumstances have a possessive or obsessive force … 9

Though it is technically accurate, you could easily get heartburn trying to digest this “clarification.” Jung’s illuminations frequently failed to illuminate. Yet in the above paragraph he comes maddeningly close to communicating what he really means! He says archetypes are “a priori structural forms.” If only he had used the analogy of an actual paper form! He could have compared an archetype to a literal form, a sheet of paper with blank spaces waiting to be filled in. That really would have made things clearer. Everybody understands forms! That’s something we’ve all experienced, something to which each of us can relate.

A blank form IRS 1040. It isn't a real tax return - yet. It has to be filled in before it becomes something real.
Blank form

A blank form doesn’t amount to much. It’s just a blank form. A blank IRS form 1040 has no meaning until you fill in your income data. The blank form isn’t a real tax return. It has nothing to do with you. But with all the right information in all the right places, it changes from something abstract to something real. Each blank in the form lends significance to the data you put into that blank.

When all the spaces are filled the whole becomes an object with meaning. It becomes a real tax return, your tax return. When Jung uses the word “forms,” this is exactly the kind of thing he is talking about. An archetype is a structure already set up to contain an experience, an inherited blank form that hasn’t been filled in yet. It can be filled in many different ways. The form itself never changes. It can’t change, because it’s part of the inherited structure of the brain. Yet each different filling will become a separate, distinct experience. And not until the form is filled in with data will it enter our awareness. Only then will it become a conscious thought or image, or an actual behavior.

These “blank forms” are the instinctual predispositions reflecting the way an animal’s ancestors have gone about making their living in the world. Forms waiting behind the scenes, so to speak. Each is a thing that will not come alive until it acquires content. The blank form is the unconscious archetype; the filled-in form is the conscious image or percept, or the concrete behavior. The structure exists before the experience.

Here’s a concrete example. All primates are born with brains “pre-wired” to recognize faces (and hands, and presumably other body parts). That is, there is a form built into the neural structure of the primate brain that transforms a certain set of incoming stimuli into “a face.” And another structure that enables the subjective experience of “a hand.” 10

People are primates. Babies are fascinated by faces as soon as they are born. Over the course of a person’s life he or she will come to know many different faces. Though each face is a different experience, all are based on the same brain structure. Should that structure be destroyed through illness or injury (as sometimes unfortunately does happen), the individual would no longer recognize a friend’s face even if staring directly into it. The data would still be coming in through the eyes to the brain. They would still see something there. But without the archetypal form to contain the data and give it meaning, that something wouldn’t be “a face.”

The same is true of animal activities. We know that both dogs and people come into the world instinctively equipped to recognize certain activities as “play,” and other activities as “serious.” The classification is based on archetypes. Neither dogs nor people have to learn that distinction. The archetypes stay out of our awareness until they become actual experiences of one sort or the other.

Archetypes and OOP

Comparing archetypes to blank forms helps clarify how psychological structure can exist without there being anything definite in awareness. Surely Jung must have had experiences with paper forms, so we might wonder why he didn’t use the analogy.

But in modern times, in the computer era, we can make use of an analogy that’s even more accurate. Computers didn’t exist in Jung’s time, and neither did computer programming. So he had no opportunity to compare archetypes to the “classes” of Object-Oriented Programming (OOP). Archetypes and OOP classes are amazingly similar.

Many modern programming languages are “object-oriented.” Examples are languages like Python 11 and Ruby. 12 These languages use units of code called “classes.” A class is a chunk of computer code that can be re-used over and over.

An example of code in the Python programming language.
Python code

As one programming textbook puts it, a class serves as “a blueprint or archetype” 13 for a general category of specific computer behaviors.

An OOP class is like a blank form that hasn’t been filled out yet. Until it is filled out, it’s nothing. It doesn’t make anything happen on the computer. But when properly filled out it springs to life as an active “object,” a computer activity that is one instance of the class. An example will help clarify the relationship between an OOP class and an object of that class.

Suppose a programmer is writing the code for an auto-racing game. She might set up a class that she names “Vehicle.” Her Vehicle class is like a form that hasn’t been filled out yet. It might have blank spaces for Make, Model, Engine Power, Color, Special Equipment, Weight, and so on. 14 When she has finished writing the code for the class, she can create objects of that class simply by filling in all the blanks. Each time they are filled in, a newly created vehicle will spring to life on the screen. The class itself is only a structure, a blank form. But the vehicles, objects of the class, are real. Each becomes an actual car on the computer screen, one that looks and handles like the one she has defined. 15

The Vehicle class can be filled out or “instantiated” as additional objects as many times as the programmer wishes. She doesn’t have to create the class again. She can if she wants, and without any additional work, create hundreds of cars of different types. Each time she fills in the blank spaces with different information, an additional car appears on the screen. And the new car will look and act very differently from the others. Yet all of the cars are objects of the same class. That single class can – without any coding changes – be used to instantiate a Ferrari, or a 10-ton truck, or any one of thousands of other vehicles. 16

Setting up a reusable Vehicle class takes a lot of work up front. But it’s worth it, because from then on the programmer is home free. She can use the Vehicle class to create any kind of car she wants. Each new car object is just another instance of that single Vehicle class. So the relationship between the single class and the many instantiated objects is just like the one that exists between a single unconscious archetype and the many conscious mental images based upon that archetype.

OOP classes are forms without content – blueprints for something that can become real. But they don’t become real objects until they are instantiated, until they have been fleshed out with specific data.

This is just the way Jung’s archetypes work. They are forms that can be instantiated as often as needed. Archetypes aren’t actual experiences until fleshed out to become specific percepts, concepts, or behaviors. And instantiating an archetype doesn’t change it in any way. Each is an inborn pattern, a form we don’t experience until it is given concrete expression. Archetypes are universal internal blueprints for the percepts, ideas, figures, emotions, and actions that have been important in the lives of our ancestors. We re-use these blueprints as required to assist us in our survival – much as the programmer instantiates new cars that express her Vehicle class.

Is this just an analogy?

I have expressed the idea that OOP classes are a wonderful analogy for Jung’s archetypes. But when an analogy is point-for-point perfect, we start to wonder if it’s more than an analogy. We can explain the flight of an airplane through analogy to the flight of a bird. Both plane and bird have wings, both can sail through the air, both must expend energy to sustain their flight. Although a plane is certainly not a bird, comparing the two can aid our understanding. So it’s sensible to compare them. On the other hand, it is not sensible to say that robins or seagulls or finches are like birds. They aren’t just like birds; they are birds.

When something is like something else, we can use one in an analogy to help us understand the other. But when two things are very, very similar we usually decide they are two instances of the same thing. I hope I have made it clear that Jung’s archetypes are indeed very, very similar to OOP classes. So I’d like to suggest that archetypes actually are OOP classes.

If archetypes are OOP classes, they somehow came into being without a human OOP programmer. Classes are composed by humans, but humans didn’t create their own archetypes. So some would argue that they can’t be the same thing. But that’s just a variant of the “intelligent design” argument, the one used by people who reject evolution by natural selection. Some folks can’t fathom how any of the complex features of living things could have evolved naturally. The vast majority of scientists, on the other hand, do believe even the most complex biological features were created through natural selection.

The behavior of lower animals like jellyfish, bacteria, and insects is rigidly programmed by evolution. Lower animals live a kind of robotic life. There is much more flexibility in the behavior of higher animals – animals like dogs, rats, horses, and people. Their flexibility depends entirely upon their inborn archetypes, the very insight Jung was trying to convey. Higher animals inherit not specific behaviors, but forms of behavior that can be instantiated in different ways through individual learning. Everything we see, think, or do begins with an inborn archetype. We flesh out that instinctive pattern by filling in blanks through our personal learning. Our every act starts with an archetype framework, is developed through individual learning, and ends as an established habit.

In striking contrast to what the behaviorists believed, Jung held that learning is not simply a matter of behavioral sequences being written on the blank slate of memory through “reinforcement.” All parts of our human behavior – including our experiences – are pre-structured by our inborn archetypes. Psychologist David Elkind expressed this truth rather poetically, describing our daily lives as a myth bequeathed to us by our ancestors – “a drama, if you will – in which archetypal characters, themes, plots and settings play a considerable role.” 17 Though the variety of human experience is staggeringly complex, each object within that variety is rooted in the standard equipment of an unchanging archetype. In Jung’s words,

There are as many archetypes as there are typical situations in life. Endless repetition has engraved these experiences into our psychic constitution, not in the form of images filled with content, but at first only as forms without content, representing merely the possibility of a certain type of perception and action. When a situation occurs which corresponds to a given archetype, that archetype becomes activated and a compulsiveness appears, which, like an instinctual drive, gains its way against all reason and will … 18

A happy ending

Jung may not have convinced the scientists of his era that his insights would prove central to the development of a scientific psychology. But he himself did not doubt it, and neither do I. Toward the end of his life he expressed deep satisfaction with his contribution.

Thus my task was finished, my work done, and now it can stand. The moment I touched bottom, I reached the balance of scientific understanding, the transcendental, the nature of the archetype per se, concerning which no further scientific statements can be made. 19

Notes and references

  1. Jung CG. John Freeman interviews Professor Jung at his home in Switzerland. Face-to-Face: Carl Gustav Jung (1959). Published October 10, 2017. Available on YouTube at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2AMu-G51yTY&t=1008s
  2. Jung CG. The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious. Princeton University Press, New York, 1990. Page 42.
  3. Elkind D. Freud, Jung and the Collective Unconscious. The New York Times Archives, 1970. Page 218. Available online at https://www.nytimes.com/1970/10/04/archives/freud-jung-and-the-collective-unconscious-jungs-has-been-the-only.html
  4. Elkind D, 1970. Page 218.
  5. Jung CG, 1990. Paragraph 91, page 43.
  6. Jung CG. Approaching the unconscious. Chapter in CG Jung (ed.) Man and His Symbols. Dell Publishing, 1968. Page 57.
  7. Elliott, Jacqueline. Biographical documentary on the life and work of Carl Jung. A video in the series “The People Profiles,” published August 19, 2018. Available online at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MnDEU96SdQ8
  8. Jung CG, 1990. Paragraph 92, page 44.
  9. Jung CG. Memories, Dreams, Reflections. Vintage books, New York, 1961. Page 347.
  10. Gross C. Single neuron studies of inferior temporal cortex. Neuropsychologia, 2008, 46, 3, 841-52. Page 844.
  11. See for example Lutz M. Learning Python: Powerful Object-Oriented Programming. O’Reilly Media, Inc. 2013.
  12. See for example Flanagan D. and Matsumoto Y. The Ruby Programming Language. O’Reilly, 2008.
  13. Boudreaux TJ. PHP 5: Your visual blueprint for creating open source, server-side content. Wiley Publishing, Indianapolis IN, 2005. Page 194. In this introductory text for the object-oriented programming language PHP the author notes that “Objects are created, or instantiated, from a class definition. You can think of a class as a blueprint or archetype from which tangible instances are created.”
  14. The details in this example are not very realistic, as it is contrived simply for illustration of the concept.
  15. These things happen because the programmer has tediously set up code to make them happen. For example, the Color variable is set up to display one of a variety of screen colors, and the Model variable causes a pre-programmed vehicle shape to be displayed. Setting up a class is quite labor intensive. But once that work is done, the class can with virtually no additional effort be used to create a variety of different instances (objects of that class).
  16. Each new vehicle behaves the way it does because it operates within an environment simulating certain features of the physical world like gravity, inertia, and friction. Going into all that here would only muddy the illustration.
  17. Elkind D, 1970. Page 218.
  18. Jung CG, 1990. Paragraph 99, page 48.
  19. Jung CG, 1961. Page 221.